Post-Cold War

Included here:

1. General

2. Russian Spying (January 2000)

1. General

AFIO WIN 29-04. "Polish Foreign Intel Gets New Boss." 16 Aug. 2004.

Poland's Prime Minister Marek Belka has named Andrzej Ananicz head of the Agencja Wywiadu, the nation's foreign intelligence agency. He succeeds Zbigniew Siemiakowski, who had headed the agency since its formation in 2002 from the Urzad Ochrony Panstwa (Office of State Protection).

Berendt, Joanna, and Nicholas Kulish. "Polish Ex-Official Charged With Aiding C.I.A." New York Times, 27 Mar. 2012. [http://www.nytimes.com]

On 27 March 2012, the daily newspaper Gazeta Wyborcza reported that former intelligence chief Zbigniew Siemiatkowski "has been charged with aiding the Central Intelligence Agency in setting up a secret prison to detain suspected members of Al Qaeda."

Born, Hans, and Marina Caparini, eds. Democratic Control of Intelligence Services: Containing Rogue Elephants. Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2007.

According to Peake, Studies 52.1 (Mar. 2008) and Intelligencer 16.1 (Spring 2008), four Western (France, Norway, the United Kingdom, and the United States) and five former Soviet bloc (Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, and Romania) countries are discussed; there are also articles discussing "the fundamental principles of oversight." Although this work "looks closely at what has been and what needs to be done, it does not address the practical problem of the qualifications of those doing the oversight."

Born, Hans, Loch K. Johnson, and Ian Leigh, eds. Who's Watching the Spies? Establishing Intelligence Service Accountability. Dulles, VA: Potomac, 2005.

From publisher: The authors "examine the strengths and weaknesses of the intelligence systems of Argentina, Canada, Germany, Norway, Poland, South Africa, South Korea, the United Kingdom, and the United States."

Peake, Studies 50.2 (2006), comments that "[t]he experiences of each nation provide an interesting mosaic of desired goals and problems of implementation.... It is a timely topic and worth the attention of all those who must deal with these issues everyday as well as the general public whose civil rights are affected when oversight is too robust or inadequate." To Jacoby, DIJ 16.2 (2007), this work "succeeds greatly as an informative source on the workings of current intelligence oversight systems." However, "[t]he reader is left wanting recommendations and commentary on the ethics of intelligence oversight."

For Winn, Parameters, Summer 2006, this "valuable contribution ... addresses the central criteria that should be taken into account by any nation or international organization that hopes to place intelligence agencies under democratic supervision.... [T]he objectives are to ensure that intelligence and security agencies are insulated from political abuse, but not isolated from executive governance."

Brown, I&NS 21.6 (Dec. 2006), finds this work to be "a diappointment. Most of the material is dry and sometimes soporific. It is also biased toward the advocates of intelligence accountability," in that the "essays all address the positives of such a program, but not the negatives.... A debate format would have been much more appropriate..., and could have easily been accomplished by excluding numerous irrelevant and tedious essays."

Brodeur, Jean-Paul, Peter Gill, and Dennis Töllborg, eds. Democracy, Law and Security:  Internal Security Services in Contemporary Europe.  New York:  Columbia University Press, 2003. Aldershot: Ashgate, 2003.

Peake, Studies 47.3 (2003), notes that this work is "drawn from papers presented at two symposia in Gothenburg, Sweden, that compare intelligence services in 10 countries:  Belgium, Canada, France, Germany, Hungary, the Netherlands, Poland, Spain, Sweden, and the United Kingdom.  The various chapters look at historical, organizational, and political differences.... In most cases, very little has been published in English about the services discussed, and that enhances the book's importance.  For students of intelligence, and especially counterintelligence, this is a very worthwhile contribution."

For Henderson, IJI&C 17.3, this work "provides useful background reference material on several less well-known European domestic security systems." However, "the index and bibliography ... are generally weak"; and the "collection lacks, except for Spain, organizational charts for the various national communities and individual services."

Day, Matthew, and Malcolm Moore. "Tearful Archbishop Resigns at First Mass as He Admits Spying for the Secret Police." Telegraph (London), 9 Jan. 2007. [http://www.telegraph.co.uk]

Mgr. Stanislaw Wielgus, newly appointed Archbishop of Warsaw, resigned on 7 January 2007 "minutes before he was due to celebrate his inaugural mass, after admitting that he had been an informant for Poland's communist-era secret police."

Matei, Florina Cristiana, and Thomas C. Bruneau. "Policymakers and Intelligence Reform in the New Democracies." International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence 24, no. 4 (Winter 2011-2012): 656-691.

The authors look at Brazil, Argentina, Peru, Poland, Romania, Spain, and Russia ("a stunning case of democratic regress"). In "at least four" of these countries -- "Poland, Brazil, Romania, and Spain -- the decisionmakers have managed to institutionalize agencies that are either transparent or effective, or both."

Moore, Molly. "Report Gives Details on CIA Prisons: NATO Pacts Exploited, European Probe Finds." Washington Post, 9 Jun. 2007, A1. [http://www.washingtonpost.com]

According to an investigative report completed for the Council of Europe and released in Paris on 8 June 2007, "[t]he CIA exploited NATO military agreements to help it run secret prisons in Poland and Romania where alleged terrorists were held in solitary confinement for months, shackled and subjected to other mental and physical torture.... Officials speaking on behalf of the CIA, NATO, Poland and Romania ... criticized the report's findings."

Pomfret, John. "Cloak and Dagger and Johnnie Walker Red." Washington Post National Weekly Edition, 23-29 Jan. 1995, 15-16.


2. Russian Spying (January 2000)

Materials arranged chronologically.

Stylinski, Andrzej. "Poland: Russia Spying Increased." Associated Press, 21 Jan. 2000.

On 20 January 2000, the Polish government announced that "it was expelling nine Russian diplomats, saying it had proof they were spying 'against Poland's vital interests.'"

Finn, Peter. "Diplomats Ejected Day After Poland Ousts Russians." Washington Post, 22 Jan. 2000, A16. [http://www.washingtonpost.com]

"Russia retaliated against Poland [on 21 January 2000] by ordering nine Polish diplomats to leave Moscow, charging that the West had orchestrated Poland's expulsion [on 20 January 2000] of nine Russian diplomats to 'test' acting President Vladimir Putin.... [Polish] Foreign Ministry spokesman Pawel Dobrowolski said he could not confirm Polish media reports that the government consulted with NATO on the expulsions, but added that because Poland 'is a full NATO member, then it is obvious that such things happen as part of a fully coordinated activity.'"

Current Digest of the Post-Soviet Press, 23 Feb. 2000, 22-23, carries condensations of three articles from the Russian press:

1. Maksim Yusin, Izvestia, 22 Jan. 2000, says that this "conflict could have been avoided had there been any such desire.... Someone simply ordered this up for political reasons ... (a presidential election [in Poland] is coming up)."

2. Igor Korotchenko, Nexavisimaya gazeta, 22 Jan. 2000, 1-2, notes that "with the Polish Republic now a member of NATO, the Warsaw stations of Russia's Foreign Intelligence Service (SVR) and Chief Intelligence Administration (GRU) will be operating in an environment of greatly intensified counterintelligence measures.... In all likelihood, leads on Russian intelligence operatives in Warsaw were provided by a Western special service -- the CIA or [Britain's] Secret Intelligence Service, for example -- that has a mole either in Yasenevo [SVR headquarters in southwestern Moscow] or in one of the SVR's European stations."

3. Igor Korotchenko, Nexavisimaya gazeta, 25 Jan. 2000, 1, reports the reciprocal expulsion of nine Polish diplomats by the Russian authorities.


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